What does he mean by that remark? What was the previous compact and, what changes does Lehne suggest will put the United States in a better position to solve problems?
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content: Legacies of political violence: Tensions between Inkatha and community groups later affiliated to the UDF began to surface in the early s.
In the wake of the murder of local UDF leader Victoria Mxenge, these tensions deteriorated into open and violent conflict between Inkatha and protesting youth. Thereafter Inkatha seemed increasingly determined to rein in all opposition to its leadership and policies.
Starting with schools, local leadership, on instruction from above, began demanding that youth declare their political affiliation. Those who refused were labelled as part of the opposition and chased away from the area, under threat of death.
UDF-aligned youth refused to accept Inkatha's attempt to control the political terrain and the conflict soon turned bloody. Thousands were killed, yet more thousands became internal refugees fleeing their homes as political violence engulfed most of the province, from the large urban townships around Durban to small rural villages in the north and south of the province.
These no-go areas remained in force long after political violence had abated from the levels of intensity seen during the s and early s. Even the most recent local government elections were marked by areas that declared themselves for one or other political party; those from other parties were threatened to prevent them from campaigning there.
These threats both the specific and the more general remind us of the historical continuities in patterns of political contestation. Despite the relatively peaceful transition from apartheid to democracy at the level of national politics, there remain pockets of territory in which non-democratic and violent modes of political behaviour persist and where apartheid-era conflicts have not been resolved.
If there is an area in which the compromises and bargains of the transitional period are most likely to unravel, it is KwaZulu-Natal. The potential for violence in this region reflects deep-rooted patterns of collective action that have not been easily re-channelled and contained by formal political structures and rules.
To be sure, the threats and reminders of violence which simmer beneath the formal level of politics reveal the fragility of South African democracy. However, they also offer an opportunity to analyse the obstacles to building a democratic culture rather than simply democratic institutions.
This exercise requires a fine-grained examination both of the ways in which local level political conflict articulated with provincial and national dynamics, and of the ways political violence then became socially rooted and validated at the local level. In this paper I argue that violence is embedded in the complex relationships between, on the one hand, political interests, social groups and organisational forms, and on the other, the dynamics of gender and generation within particular communities.
These relationships are explored through an investigation of local level political violence in Mpumalanga Township, located about half way between Pietermaritzburg and Durban, an area that was acutely enmeshed in political violence in the s.
This closely-focused case study provides an opportunity to examine continuities and shifts in the nature of violence, the ways in which conflicts played out on the larger regional political stage act to shape local-level interests and alliances, and the ways in which political identities are shaped by the relationships people build in the particular spaces of households and neighbourhoods.
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You are not currently authenticated. View freely available titles:Examines the intertwined political and economic relations of Canada, Mexico and the United States from a regional perspective, including specific emphasis on labour and economic production, security and the environment, and policymaking in a continent dominated by the world's only superpower.
Columbia University Department of Political Science. Written Qualifying Examination in Political Theory. August Instructions. All students should answer one question from Part I of this examination..
For the minor, students should also answer one question from any other part of this examination (Part II, III, or IV). POLITICAL SCIENCE MID-TERM EXAMINATION PLEASE ANSWER TWO OF THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS. In the introduction, Lehne suggests that a new “social compact” between business and society/government should be forged.
Power in the major United States political parties is A) fragmented among local, state, and national party organizations.
B) concentrated in the state parties, with . In still other states, an aspiring political party must register a certain number of voters. As of May , there were at least 32 distinct ballot-qualified political parties .
Foundations (10%); Civil Liberties & Civil Rights (10%); Political Beliefs and Behaviors (15%); Political Parties, Interest Groups & Media (15%); Institutions of Government (40%); and Public Policy (10%).
Examinations will consist of multiple choice and free-response questions similar to those on the AP exam.